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ANU Africa Network
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This website was established in 2013 by David Lucas, and renovated and relaunched in 2020 as part of a project to increase awareness of Africa and African studies in the ANU and the ACT, funded by the Australian Government’s Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade.
Another outcome of that project was a major research report, published in August 2021, African Studies at the Australian National University and in the Australian Capital Territory, analyzing the past, present and future of the study of Africa at the Australian National University and the wider Australian University sector.
The major innovation on this updated website is the creation of the ACT Africa Expert Directory which lists experts on Africa from institutions around the ACT, primarily the ANU. We will continue to curate this list, offering a key resource for media, government and non-government organizations seeking expert facts and opinions on Africa. Individuals can request to be added to the list by contacting the website managers.
Another notable addition is the expanded directory of PhD theses on Africa produced in the territory’s universities, a solid measure of the vitality of the study of Africa in the city of Canberra.
Reviewing these directories, it is revealing to note that the vast majority of research on Africa is produced by disciplinary experts (environmental scientists, economists, demographers, etc.) rather than area studies experts. This means that the study of Africa is woven into the fabric of the research culture of the ANU and the ACT’s other universities in ways that are not necessarily apparent.
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Call for Abstracts: 3rd Annual Australian National University African Studies Network Conference
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Theme: Decolonising Knowledge: Reframing Australia-Africa Relations in the New Era
Dates: November 28-29, 2024
Location: Australian National University (ANU) Campus, Canberra (Virtual participation available)The Australian National University African Studies Network is pleased to announce the call for abstracts for its 3rd Annual Conference. We invite submissions from all disciplines related to the conference theme. The conference aims to explore the evolving dynamics of Australia-Africa relations, with a focus on decolonising knowledge and reshaping intellectual exchanges.
Submission Guidelines
- Abstract Length: Maximum 250 words
- Bio and Institutional Affiliation: Maximum 100 words
- Submission Deadline: October 30, 2024, by 11:59 AEST
- Email: africanstudiesnetwork@anu.edu.au with your name, followed by “ASN 2024” and complete the short online registration form.
Eligibility and selection criteria
We welcome submissions from students, senior academics, policymakers, corporates, and civil society leaders. Abstracts will be considered on a rolling basis. Presenters can choose to participate either virtually or in person.For any questions, please contact us at africanstudiesnetwork@anu.edu.au.
We extend our gratitude to the Student Extracurricular Enrichment Fund (SEEF) at ANU and the ANU Research School of Social Sciences (RSS) for their support. More information can be found in the attached flyer. Please share this call with your networks.
Contextual Background
Australia-Africa relations are evolving, with recent years seeing a shift toward ‘new engagement’ or ‘re-engagement’ with the continent (Mickler & Lyons, 2013). The Australian Government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) notes that Australia engages with all 54 African UN member states in politics, trade, investment, development cooperation, peace, and security (DFAT, 2024). Australia also maintains warm relationships with African regional blocs, including the African Union (AU), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the East African Community (EAC), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the International Conference for the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR) and the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA).
In trade and investment, DFAT reported AU$9 billion in total trade between the two continents in 2020. Over 170 Australian Stock Exchange (ASX) listed companies operate in about 35 African countries, with PwC (2024) reporting more than 200 companies. Despite recent aid cuts, the Australian government allocated AU$148.2 million to Overseas Development Assistance (ODA) to Africa for the 2022-23 fiscal year. However, Australia’s overall aid generosity has declined, with its ranking dropping from 14th to 26th among the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) countries from 2015 to 2023 (Development Policy Centre, 2024).
The 2020 census recorded over 400,000 people of African origin living in Australia (Abur, 2020). Australian Defence Force personnel currently serve in the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) and assist the Multinational Force and Observers (MFO) in the Sinai, Egypt. Historically, Australian personnel have participated in UN missions across various African countries.
Despite these advances, the decolonisation of knowledge in Australia-Africa relations remains incomplete, as argued by Davis & Blackwell (2023) and other scholars. Reassessing how knowledge is produced, valued, and shared is essential. Decolonial approaches are crucial in the new era of Australia-Africa relations, reshaping intellectual exchanges, research collaborations, and educational partnerships.
We look forward to your contributions and wish you the best in your application!
References
Abur, W. (2022). Migration and Settlement of African People in Australia. In I. Muenstermann (Ed.), Human Migration in the Last Three Centuries (1st ed.). IntechOpen. https://doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.107083
Davis, A. E., & Blackwell, J. (2023). Decolonising Australia’s International Relations? A Critical Introduction. Australian Journal of Politics and History, 69(3), 405–421. https://doi.org/10.1111/ajph.12947
Development Policy Centre. (2024). Comparisons. Australian Aid Tracker. https://devpolicy.org/aidtracker/comparisons/
DFAT (2024) Africa region brief, Australian Government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. Available at: https://www.dfat.gov.au/geo/africa-middle-east/africa-region-brief#:~:text=Australia’s%20two%2Dway%20goods%20and,Kenya%2C%20Egypt%2C%20and%20Sudan.
DFAT. (2024). Africa region brief. Australian Government Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. https://www.dfat.gov.au/geo/africa-middle-east/africa-region-brief#:~:text=Australia.
Mickler, D., & Lyons, T. (2013). New Engagement. Melbourne Univ. Publishing.
PwC. (2022, August). Australia Africa Practice. PwC. https://www.pwc.com.au/mining/australia-africa-practice.html
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African Citizens: Breaking the Corruption Cycle
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By Dr Ernest Mensah Akuamoah
The irony of African politics is that those who promise to eradicate corruption are often the ones distributing money to voters, while those who demand corruption-free leadership are frequently the recipients of such payments. This illustrates the intricate relationship between political rhetoric and practical realities shaping the continent’s political landscape.
Corruption represents a significant obstacle to good governance and development across African countries. Transparency International’s (2022) Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) indicates that 44 out of 49 African countries scored below the midpoint, with an average of 32 out of 100 in the sub-Saharan region. The CPI uses a scale from 0-100, with the lower and upper bounds respectively corresponding to “highly corrupt” and “highly clean” (i.e., uncorrupt) countries. African leaders frequently vow to tackle corruption in their inaugural speeches, but these promises often turn out to be mere political rhetoric shortly after they assume power, with some leaders even becoming implicated in corrupt practices later on. Ordinary African citizens have persistently complained about the pervasiveness of corruption within their countries, pointing fingers at their governments and key state institutions like the police service—as evidenced by several rounds of Afrobarometer surveys.
Generally speaking, there is a tendency among African citizens to criticise their leaders and institutions as being corrupt while overlooking their own contributions to these issues. However, I argue that the perpetuation of corruption is driven not only by politicians motivated by personal gain but also by citizens who expect financial incentives in return for their electoral support. Empirical studies have confirmed the symbiotic relationship between politicians and rent-seeking voters. Research indicates that voters, particularly those who benefit from rent-seeking practices are reluctant to punish corrupt politicians, especially if these politicians are affiliated to their preferred political party. Other studies suggest that voters assess corrupt politicians differently based on the purposes for which the money is utilised. For example, beneficiaries of vote-buying are less likely to support punishing politicians and “many voters do not object to, and may even prefer, corrupt politicians in a system where a single ‘honest’ official is unlikely to reduce corruption overall.”
While voters’ tolerance of corrupt politicians is not peculiar to Africa and other developing democracies, it is exacerbated by weak electoral and party financing laws in less established democracies. This culture of “transactional politics” poses a significant challenge to democratic integrity and obstructs progress towards establishing accountable governance in Africa. Concepts such as “Monetics,” “Monecracy” or “Monetization of Politics” have taken centre stage in African Political life, reflecting the pervasive influence of financial interests in political processes on the continent. Some scholars have even argued that “without money you are technically knocked out” in African elections.
Several studies have highlighted the detrimental effects of election cycles on African economies, specifically emphasising how pre-election expansionary policies by African governments negatively impact economic growth, inflation, and human development post-election. Moreover, a recent study across 36 African countries shows that increased government spending during election years is associated with higher corruption perception. Hence, election periods present a paradox: while offering African citizens a chance to exercise their political rights, they also tend to leave African countries economically impoverished due to high government spending and their inability to service debts. The widespread expectation of financial contributions from politicians during elections has normalised corruption to the point where it is perceived as a pragmatic necessity rather than a detrimental force that undermines public confidence and inhibits socioeconomic progress. Indeed, some voters view election periods as “their time to chop.” Nevertheless, the long-term consequences far outweigh the immediate benefits of receiving handouts—and poor people are more affected. African voters must keep this in mind with many elections set to take place across the continent this year.
While it’s critical for African citizens to demand accountability and transparency from elected officials, it’s equally essential for the African populace to engage in self-reflection and recognise their own contributions to the issue of corruption. This introspective approach will hopefully promote a greater sense of personal accountability and inspire collective efforts to promote integrity in governance. Additionally, the significance of civil society organisations (CSOs) and the media in advocating for democratic reforms, combating corruption, and promoting good governance cannot be overstated. Regrettably, these institutions sometimes fail to fulfill their mandates due to partisanship and biased reporting, underscoring the importance of their neutrality in the fight against corruption.
Admittedly, poverty and low development create vulnerabilities that can be exploited by politicians, but this should not prevent African citizens from demanding accountability from their elected officials or excuse their involvement in corrupt practices. Rather, the difficult economic conditions should provide the impetus for African citizens to unite and demand for change.
In conclusion, a fundamental change is necessary for tackling corruption on the continent and this will require moving from the current practice of transactional politics to a truly participatory democracy built on principles of integrity, fairness, and social equity. By resisting the incentives of short-term financial gains and demanding ethical conduct from their leaders, African citizens can significantly contribute to creating a future where corruption is less attractive to both the giver and receiver, and where governments prioritise the collective good over privileged interests.
Dr Ernest Mensah Akuamoah is a Sessional Academic in the School of Politics and International Relations at The Australian National University. His research interests include electoral violence and African politics. He can be reached via email at Ernest.akuamoah@anu.edu.au
This article was originally published in the Australian Institute of International Affairs.
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Elijah Buol, OAM
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Elijah Buol, who is currently completing a doctorate in law at the ANU, was appointed CEO of Act for Peace in 2024.
https://actforpeace.org.au/articles/new-incoming-ceo-to-champion-the-voice-of-displaced-people/