ANU Africa Network

Yesterday, we commemorated Tunisia’s 68th independence anniversary, and today, we are delighted to spotlight another remarkable African nation nestled along the southwest coast of Africa, gazing out onto the vast expanse of the South Atlantic Ocean—Namibia.

Namibia: The Land of the Brave

Namibia boasts renowned attractions such as the Sossusvlei Dunes, the majestic Spitzkoppe, and the awe-inspiring River Canyon, earning multiple mentions in CNN’s 2019 list of “30 of Africa’s most amazing places to visit.” With tourism contributing 5.7 percent to total employment in 2022, it stands as a robust revenue generator for the country.

The majority of the approximately 2.7 million Namibians (2023 est.) experience a decent standard of living, with an urbanization rate of 54.9% and a life expectancy of 63.7 years (2023 est.). According to recent data from the World Bank, Namibia achieved a literacy rate of 92% in 2021, and in 2023, Yahoo Finance ranked Namibia as the 12th richest country in Africa by GDP per capita, a status supported by its abundance of natural resources. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) listed Namibia among the top 20 mineral-rich countries in Africa in 2010, boasting substantial reserves of diamonds, uranium, copper, gold, and sought-after critical minerals. Unsurprisingly, Namibia is one of Africa’s largest exporters of technology, ranking 11th among Africa’s most technologically advanced nations in 2023, (Yahoo Finance, 2023).

Namibia has achieved these commendable living standards thanks to its relatively developed economy, boasting a GDP of $12.372 billion in 2019 and a per capita income of $9,100 (2021 est.). Consequently, the World Bank classifies Namibia as an upper-middle-income country. Unlike many Sub-Saharan African nations, Namibia’s economy is characterized by substantial service and industrial sectors, accounting for approximately 67% and 26.3%, respectively, with agriculture playing a minor role at just 6.7%.

This economic profile sets Namibia apart from other Sub-Saharan African countries where agriculture serves as the primary economic driver. For instance, Sierra Leone relies heavily on agriculture, contributing over 57% to its GDP in 2022, while Ethiopia similarly depends on agriculture, with the sector accounting for over 37% of its GDP in the same year.

In terms of politics, Namibia’s rich political history encompasses its colonization by Germany in 1884, followed by occupation by South Africa in 1915. After World War II, South Africa annexed the territory and administered it as a mandate until 1988. The journey to independence was marked by the SWAPO guerrilla group’s war of independence, culminating in Namibia gaining its sovereignty in 1990.

SWAPO, now the ruling party, has transitioned from its Marxist roots over the years. President Hage Geingob (who died about a month ago) assumed office in 2015, succeeding Hifikepunye Pohamba, who had served two terms. Geingob’s initial landslide victory in 2014 was followed by his reelection in 2019, albeit with a reduced majority. This marked a shift, as SWAPO narrowly lost its parliamentary supermajority in the same elections. Nangolo Mbumba has assumed the role of interim president of Namibia following the passing of his predecessor, Hage Geingob. This transition comes as Namibia gears up for its upcoming general elections scheduled for November of this year.

Despite significant development strides made in recent decades, Namibia confronts formidable challenges, exacerbated by the onset of the coronavirus pandemic. In 2021, unemployment rates soared, surpassing 20%, with youth unemployment exceeding a staggering 40%. Additionally, Namibia faces considerable debt burdens, with its debt-to-GDP ratio ranking among the highest in Africa, reaching 68.9% in 2022. Amidst these challenges, the country’s growth rate is estimated at 3.1% for the year 2024.

Australia and Namibia share warm diplomatic ties, with Namibia maintaining a consulate in Sydney and Australia reciprocating with an honorary consulate in Windhoek. Remarkably, data from the Australian Bureau of Statistics reveals a substantial increase in the Namibian population in Australia, surging by 521% from 330 individuals in 1996 to 1,720 in 2020.

In terms of trade, figures from Trading Economics indicate robust economic engagement between the two nations. Namibia’s imports from Australia reached US$27.85 billion in 2022, while Australia imported US$8.78 million during the same period. These statistics underscore the significant economic, social, and political potential for collaboration between Australia and Namibia.

Happy 34th Independence, Namibia!

This data and analysis was compiled by Joel Odota, a Master of International Relations student at the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, for the ASN. Joel also volunteers for the ASN as a media representative, supporting website maintenance and the management of the network’s social media platforms.

Happy Independence, Tunisia! 

• Tunisia is not any better after the Arab Springs, with the country facing serious economic and political crises 
• COVID-19 hit Tunisia hard and jeopardised economic growth further 
• Australia maintains a stable relationship with Tunisia, but the diplomatic presence and trade between the two countries are limited. 

Today, we celebrate 68 years since the Republic of Tunisia broke free from French colonial rule. While Tunisia, compared to other African countries, is relatively prosperous, the North African nation still grapples with post-independence political crises coupled with economic stagnation. The Arab Spring that started in Tunisia in the 2010s especially continues to affect the country to this day, while the COVID-19 pandemic hurt Tunisia and made things even worse for the North African nation.

Tunisia has a long colonial history dating back as early as the 12th century B.C., when it was colonised by the Phoenicians. Later, the Carthaginians, Romans, Vandals, Byzantines, various Arab and Berber kingdoms, and the Ottomans all occupied Tunisia between the 16th and late 19th centuries. However, the very well-known and often debated colonial history of Tunisia is that of the French occupation (1881–1956).

Tunisia attained its independence on March 20, 1956, under the leadership of Habib Bourguiba. 

But as was the case with most African countries after independence, post-independence Tunisia under Habib Bourguiba still faced numerous challenges. Habib embraced a Western style of modernization that stifled political freedoms while advancing women’s rights under strict one-party rule that lasted 31 years.

In November 1987, Bourguiba was removed from office and replaced by Zine el Abidine Ben Ali in a bloodless coup, but that seemed to have been the continuation of the autocratic tendencies of his predecessor.

The next phase of Tunisian history was in the late 2010s, when the country was again at the core of the Arab Spring—a wave of protests against governments in the Arab world in the 2010s, mostly due to political and economic grievances. For Tunisia, the protests were a response to the corruption and economic stagnation that the country was experiencing under President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Eventually, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the country in early 2011, marking the end of his 23-year rule. The same wave of protests also spread like wildfire to other Arab countries, including Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and Morocco, among others, deposing several leaders, including Muammar Gaddafi of Libya (2011), Hosni Mubarak of Egypt (2011), and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen (2012). 

The departure of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali further exacerbated the political crises in the country, with a series of regime changes: Moncef Marzouki (October 2011), Beji Caid Essebsi (January 2014), and Kais Saied (October 2019). However, Kais Saied seems to be moving the country back to its political past. On July 25, 2021, Saied seized exceptional powers allowed under Tunisia’s constitution to fire the prime minister and suspend the legislature, extending his term of office. 

Tunisia, compared to most Middle Eastern and North African countries, has achieved a substantial level of development. In terms of education, for instance, although there is a wide disparity between women and men, the adult male literacy rate was 89.9% in 2022, compared to their female counterparts, who stood at about 77% that year. 

Although Tunisia is today one of Africa’s most developed and wealthiest nations, ranking 10th richest African country by GDP per capita in 2023 (US$13,000) and having a real GDP of $127.509 billion in 2021, the country has been struggling with huge economic crises since the Arab Spring. In 2021, for instance, unemployment rates were estimated at 16.82%, while the country’s external debt reached US$35.911 billion in 2019, or more than 85% of the GDP that year. According to research by Matta et al. (2015), each Tunisian citizen lost on average US$ 600 (5.5 percent of GDP), US$ 574 (5.1 percent of GDP), and US$ 735 (6.4 percent of GDP) in 2011, 2012, and 2013, respectively.

Moreover, COVID-19 made things even worse for the country. According to data from Statista, the pandemic killed some 29,266 people in Tunisia, representing 11.3% of the total coronavirus deaths on the African continent as of November 18, 2022. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the pandemic led to the contraction of the Tunisian economy by at least 8.8% in 2020. 

Although Tunisia’s trade has mostly been with France, Germany, China, Algeria, Spain, Italy, and Libya, partly due to proximity and colonial history, it still maintains a warm economic and political relationship with Australia. In 2022, for instance, Tunisia exported US$68.2 million to Australia (OEC, 2024), with the main products being utility metres, insulated wire, and non-knit women’s suits. On the other hand, Australia exported goods worth US$3.93 million to Tunisia that same year, including unpackaged medicaments, edible offal, and ethylene polymers. Interestingly, in the past 27 years, Tunisia’s exports to Australia have increased at an annual rate of 13.4%, from just US$2.3 million in 1995 to US$68.2 million in 2022. Paradoxically, Australia’s exports to Tunisia decreased at an annualised rate of 1.35% during the same period, from only US$5.68 million in 1995 to US$3.93 million in 2022.  

While the Australian government does not have a diplomatic post in the North African country, Tunisia maintains its consulate in Queensland, and according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, about 760 Tunisians were living in Australia in 2020.  

Similarly, the Australian government, through its high commission in Malta, also runs the Direct Aid Programme, with funds from Australia’s aid budget, providing small grants to civil society organisations in Tunisia.  

Tunisia and the North African region as a whole present an untapped opportunity for Australia, both in terms of trade and geopolitics. 

On this momentous occasion, we honour the courageous Tunisians who fought for freedom and prosperity and extend our best wishes for Tunisia’s continued progress and prosperity.

This piece was written by Joel Odota, a Master of International Relations student at the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, for the ASN. Joel also volunteers for the ASN as a media representative, supporting website maintenance and the management of the network’s social media platforms. 

‘Does China’s BRI and Private Investment Abroad Help Industrial Development in the Third World? Tenuous Technology Transfers Between China and Ethiopia’

Speaker Dr Liang Chen

Hosted by Australian Centre on China in the World

Date and time
Thu 14th Mar 2024, 4:00 pm – 5:30 pm AEDT

Location
Seminar Room + Online, Australian Centre on China in the World
The Australian National University, Building 188, Fellows La, Acton ACT 2601, Australia

Event description
China’s quick expansion in the developing world, in particular the Sub-Sahara African countries, has spawned public debates and generated new fields of scholarship over the past couple of decades. In this talk, I will examine whether China’s Belt and Road (BRI) projects and private investment contribute to the industrial development in Africa through the lens of technology transfer. My findings are drawn from three case studies of Chinese firms in Ethiopia. Counterintuitively, my study shows that this process is not a straightforward process in which China holds the reins, as is generally assumed. African countries and people, though less economically developed, have demonstrated that they hold bargaining power vis-à-vis Chinese investments and technological transfers at the intra-firm level. Through interviews in Ethiopia with Chinese managers, technicians and workers and their Ethiopian counterparts, this research reveals that technology transfer is entangled with global and local forces, power contestations between Chinese and Africans, and managerial considerations. These transference processes are not developmentally driven nor driven by political efforts at solidarity with the Third World as in the days of Mao. Transferring technology is also a slow process that has some spillover effects on other domains such as labour relations. It is hoped that this research will supplement and add insights into other scholars’ research on technology transfer and market forces in developing countries.

Registration

https://ciw.anu.edu.au/event/does-chinas-bri-and-private-investment-abroad-help-industrial-development-third-world-tenuous