ANU Africa Network

Happy Independence, Tunisia! 

• Tunisia is not any better after the Arab Springs, with the country facing serious economic and political crises 
• COVID-19 hit Tunisia hard and jeopardised economic growth further 
• Australia maintains a stable relationship with Tunisia, but the diplomatic presence and trade between the two countries are limited. 

Today, we celebrate 68 years since the Republic of Tunisia broke free from French colonial rule. While Tunisia, compared to other African countries, is relatively prosperous, the North African nation still grapples with post-independence political crises coupled with economic stagnation. The Arab Spring that started in Tunisia in the 2010s especially continues to affect the country to this day, while the COVID-19 pandemic hurt Tunisia and made things even worse for the North African nation.

Tunisia has a long colonial history dating back as early as the 12th century B.C., when it was colonised by the Phoenicians. Later, the Carthaginians, Romans, Vandals, Byzantines, various Arab and Berber kingdoms, and the Ottomans all occupied Tunisia between the 16th and late 19th centuries. However, the very well-known and often debated colonial history of Tunisia is that of the French occupation (1881–1956).

Tunisia attained its independence on March 20, 1956, under the leadership of Habib Bourguiba. 

But as was the case with most African countries after independence, post-independence Tunisia under Habib Bourguiba still faced numerous challenges. Habib embraced a Western style of modernization that stifled political freedoms while advancing women’s rights under strict one-party rule that lasted 31 years.

In November 1987, Bourguiba was removed from office and replaced by Zine el Abidine Ben Ali in a bloodless coup, but that seemed to have been the continuation of the autocratic tendencies of his predecessor.

The next phase of Tunisian history was in the late 2010s, when the country was again at the core of the Arab Spring—a wave of protests against governments in the Arab world in the 2010s, mostly due to political and economic grievances. For Tunisia, the protests were a response to the corruption and economic stagnation that the country was experiencing under President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. Eventually, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali fled the country in early 2011, marking the end of his 23-year rule. The same wave of protests also spread like wildfire to other Arab countries, including Libya, Egypt, Yemen, Syria, Bahrain, and Morocco, among others, deposing several leaders, including Muammar Gaddafi of Libya (2011), Hosni Mubarak of Egypt (2011), and Ali Abdullah Saleh of Yemen (2012). 

The departure of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali further exacerbated the political crises in the country, with a series of regime changes: Moncef Marzouki (October 2011), Beji Caid Essebsi (January 2014), and Kais Saied (October 2019). However, Kais Saied seems to be moving the country back to its political past. On July 25, 2021, Saied seized exceptional powers allowed under Tunisia’s constitution to fire the prime minister and suspend the legislature, extending his term of office. 

Tunisia, compared to most Middle Eastern and North African countries, has achieved a substantial level of development. In terms of education, for instance, although there is a wide disparity between women and men, the adult male literacy rate was 89.9% in 2022, compared to their female counterparts, who stood at about 77% that year. 

Although Tunisia is today one of Africa’s most developed and wealthiest nations, ranking 10th richest African country by GDP per capita in 2023 (US$13,000) and having a real GDP of $127.509 billion in 2021, the country has been struggling with huge economic crises since the Arab Spring. In 2021, for instance, unemployment rates were estimated at 16.82%, while the country’s external debt reached US$35.911 billion in 2019, or more than 85% of the GDP that year. According to research by Matta et al. (2015), each Tunisian citizen lost on average US$ 600 (5.5 percent of GDP), US$ 574 (5.1 percent of GDP), and US$ 735 (6.4 percent of GDP) in 2011, 2012, and 2013, respectively.

Moreover, COVID-19 made things even worse for the country. According to data from Statista, the pandemic killed some 29,266 people in Tunisia, representing 11.3% of the total coronavirus deaths on the African continent as of November 18, 2022. According to the International Labour Organisation (ILO), the pandemic led to the contraction of the Tunisian economy by at least 8.8% in 2020. 

Although Tunisia’s trade has mostly been with France, Germany, China, Algeria, Spain, Italy, and Libya, partly due to proximity and colonial history, it still maintains a warm economic and political relationship with Australia. In 2022, for instance, Tunisia exported US$68.2 million to Australia (OEC, 2024), with the main products being utility metres, insulated wire, and non-knit women’s suits. On the other hand, Australia exported goods worth US$3.93 million to Tunisia that same year, including unpackaged medicaments, edible offal, and ethylene polymers. Interestingly, in the past 27 years, Tunisia’s exports to Australia have increased at an annual rate of 13.4%, from just US$2.3 million in 1995 to US$68.2 million in 2022. Paradoxically, Australia’s exports to Tunisia decreased at an annualised rate of 1.35% during the same period, from only US$5.68 million in 1995 to US$3.93 million in 2022.  

While the Australian government does not have a diplomatic post in the North African country, Tunisia maintains its consulate in Queensland, and according to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, about 760 Tunisians were living in Australia in 2020.  

Similarly, the Australian government, through its high commission in Malta, also runs the Direct Aid Programme, with funds from Australia’s aid budget, providing small grants to civil society organisations in Tunisia.  

Tunisia and the North African region as a whole present an untapped opportunity for Australia, both in terms of trade and geopolitics. 

On this momentous occasion, we honour the courageous Tunisians who fought for freedom and prosperity and extend our best wishes for Tunisia’s continued progress and prosperity.

This piece was written by Joel Odota, a Master of International Relations student at the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, for the ASN. Joel also volunteers for the ASN as a media representative, supporting website maintenance and the management of the network’s social media platforms. 

‘Does China’s BRI and Private Investment Abroad Help Industrial Development in the Third World? Tenuous Technology Transfers Between China and Ethiopia’

Speaker Dr Liang Chen

Hosted by Australian Centre on China in the World

Date and time
Thu 14th Mar 2024, 4:00 pm – 5:30 pm AEDT

Location
Seminar Room + Online, Australian Centre on China in the World
The Australian National University, Building 188, Fellows La, Acton ACT 2601, Australia

Event description
China’s quick expansion in the developing world, in particular the Sub-Sahara African countries, has spawned public debates and generated new fields of scholarship over the past couple of decades. In this talk, I will examine whether China’s Belt and Road (BRI) projects and private investment contribute to the industrial development in Africa through the lens of technology transfer. My findings are drawn from three case studies of Chinese firms in Ethiopia. Counterintuitively, my study shows that this process is not a straightforward process in which China holds the reins, as is generally assumed. African countries and people, though less economically developed, have demonstrated that they hold bargaining power vis-à-vis Chinese investments and technological transfers at the intra-firm level. Through interviews in Ethiopia with Chinese managers, technicians and workers and their Ethiopian counterparts, this research reveals that technology transfer is entangled with global and local forces, power contestations between Chinese and Africans, and managerial considerations. These transference processes are not developmentally driven nor driven by political efforts at solidarity with the Third World as in the days of Mao. Transferring technology is also a slow process that has some spillover effects on other domains such as labour relations. It is hoped that this research will supplement and add insights into other scholars’ research on technology transfer and market forces in developing countries.

Registration

https://ciw.anu.edu.au/event/does-chinas-bri-and-private-investment-abroad-help-industrial-development-third-world-tenuous

Today, on International Women’s Day, we celebrate the incredible achievements of women worldwide. In honour of this occasion, let’s highlight the remarkable women who contribute to the ANU African Studies Network (ASN). Here they are: 

Karo Moret-Miranda:  

Karo is a lecturer at the Australian National University School of History, focusing on African and Afro-descendant studies. Her work delves into the enduring impacts of colonialism and aims to challenge racism and xenophobia, advocating for marginalized voices to be heard and valued. Karo gave a keynote speech at the 2023 ASN Conference. Thank you, Karo! 

Audrey Kalindi:  

Audrey completed her PhD at the Australian National University, specializing in maternal and child health. With a background in demography and economics from the University of Zambia, she employs both quantitative and qualitative methods to study population health disparities, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Audrey was the committee chair of the 2023 ASN Conference, where she did an exceptional job. Happy International Women’s Day to you, Audrey! 

Miranda Zvidza:  

Miranda, a Business Development Manager at ANU and founder of “Elevate Growth Consultancy,” is dedicated to uplifting the African Community in Australia. Through coaching, speaking engagements, and consultancy, she integrates her expertise, experiences, and faith to foster personal and entrepreneurial growth. Miranda’s support of the ASN, especially in business development, is incredible. Enjoy your day, Miranda! 

Safiya Okai-Ugbaje:  

Safiya is a systems thinker and researcher with a focus on IT for development (IT4D) and educational technologies. She is particularly interested in the practical applications of AI and large language models to address challenges in emerging economies. Safiya is an active member of the ASN. 

Hilda Agyekum:  

Hilda, a PhD student at the Crawford School of Public Policy, ANU, previously worked in research and evaluation in Ghana. With a background in disability studies, she now engages with broader development issues, serving as a college representative for African studies at ANU. 

Rita Agha: 

Rita is a PhD student at the UNESCO Chair in Science Communication for Public Good at the Centre for the Public Awareness of Science, Australian National University. Her research interests are in the areas of sexual and reproductive health care and the sociology of communication in Africa. Rita’s work seeks to contribute insights to these critical areas, reflecting her commitment to fostering positive societal change through scientific communication. She has been the co-convener of the ASN since 2023, and the network has grown exponentially under her leadership. Good job, Rita! 

Happy International Women’s Day!